{"id":2259,"date":"2026-03-20T10:34:30","date_gmt":"2026-03-20T10:34:30","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/?p=2259"},"modified":"2026-03-21T12:09:37","modified_gmt":"2026-03-21T12:09:37","slug":"us-drc-critical-minerals-deal-when-a-strategic-partnership-collides-with-the-constitution","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/us-drc-critical-minerals-deal-when-a-strategic-partnership-collides-with-the-constitution\/","title":{"rendered":"Accord USA-RDC sur les min\u00e9raux critiques : Quand le partenariat strat\u00e9gique heurte la Constitution"},"content":{"rendered":"<div data-elementor-type=\"wp-post\" data-elementor-id=\"2259\" class=\"elementor elementor-2259\" data-elementor-post-type=\"post\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-cb0182d e-flex e-con-boxed wpr-particle-no wpr-jarallax-no wpr-parallax-no wpr-sticky-section-no e-con e-parent\" data-id=\"cb0182d\" data-element_type=\"container\" data-e-type=\"container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"e-con-inner\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-33543f3 elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"33543f3\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p><em style=\"\">Cette analyse ne pr\u00e9juge pas de l\u2019issue du recours pendant devant la Cour constitutionnelle.<\/em><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-e1abbff elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"e1abbff\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p><em><strong>Un accord international peut-il engager durablement la R\u00e9publique sans respecter la Constitution qui la fonde ?<\/strong><\/em>\u200b<\/p><p>La question est au c\u0153ur de la requ\u00eate en inconstitutionnalit\u00e9 introduite devant la Cour constitutionnelle contre l\u2019 \u00ab Accord de partenariat strat\u00e9gique entre le Gouvernement des \u00c9tats-Unis d\u2019Am\u00e9rique et le Gouvernement de la R\u00e9publique d\u00e9mocratique du Congo \u00bb relatif \u00e0 la coop\u00e9ration dans le secteur des minerais strat\u00e9giques, des investissements et des infrastructures sensibles, sign\u00e9 le 4 d\u00e9cembre 2025.<\/p><p>En janvier 2026, un collectif d\u2019avocats congolais, appuy\u00e9 par plusieurs organisations de d\u00e9fense des droits humains, a saisi la Cour constitutionnelle pour contester cet accord, invoquant une atteinte aux principes constitutionnels relatifs \u00e0 la protection de la souverainet\u00e9 nationale, \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9galit\u00e9 devant la loi et au r\u00f4le du Parlement dans la ratification des trait\u00e9s internationaux.<\/p><p>Au-del\u00e0 du d\u00e9bat politique, l\u2019enjeu est d\u2019abord juridique et ce recours invite \u00e0 un d\u00e9bat fondamental:\u00a0<strong>jusqu\u2019o\u00f9 un \u00c9tat peut-il aller dans la coop\u00e9ration internationale sans ali\u00e9ner sa souverainet\u00e9 constitutionnelle ?<\/strong>\u200b<\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-e8e3577 elementor-widget elementor-widget-heading\" data-id=\"e8e3577\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"heading.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<h2 class=\"elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default\">Cinq enjeux constitutionnels au coeur du d\u00e9bat<\/h2>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-4ce4cfd elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"4ce4cfd\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p>Pour \u00e9clairer ce d\u00e9bat, plusieurs enjeux juridiques majeurs m\u00e9ritent d\u2019\u00eatre examin\u00e9s \u00e0 la lumi\u00e8re des principes constitutionnels qui encadrent l\u2019action internationale de l\u2019\u00c9tat congolais.<\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-a14bcbb elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"a14bcbb\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p><strong>1) La Constitution comme boussole des partenariats internationaux<\/strong><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-3e1f1f1 elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"3e1f1f1\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p>En R\u00e9publique d\u00e9mocratique du Congo, la conclusion des accords internationaux n\u2019est pas un acte laiss\u00e9 \u00e0 la discr\u00e9tion du Pr\u00e9sident de la R\u00e9publique.<\/p>\n<p>La Constitution encadre strictement les mati\u00e8res sensibles :<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Les finances publiques ;<\/li>\n<li>L\u2019exploitation des naturelles ressources strat\u00e9giques ;<\/li>\n<li>Les engagements susceptibles d\u2019affecter la souverainet\u00e9.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-017868e elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"017868e\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p>Le contr\u00f4le de constitutionnalit\u00e9 n\u2019est donc pas un frein au d\u00e9veloppement. Il constitue une\u00a0<strong>garantie de l\u00e9galit\u00e9 et de transparence<\/strong>, destin\u00e9e \u00e0 prot\u00e9ger l\u2019int\u00e9r\u00eat g\u00e9n\u00e9ral contre la pr\u00e9cipitation, l\u2019opacit\u00e9 ou l\u2019exc\u00e8s de pouvoir.<\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-470bca0 elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"470bca0\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p><strong>2) <\/strong><strong>Ressources naturelles : coop\u00e9ration ou mise sous tutelle d\u00e9cisionnelle ?<\/strong><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-743bb2e elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"743bb2e\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p><strong><em>Article 9<\/em><\/strong>\u00a0<\/p>\n<p><em>L\u2019Etat exerce une souverainet\u00e9 permanente notamment sur le sol, le sous-sol, les eaux et les for\u00eats, sur les espaces a\u00e9rien, fluvial, lacustre et maritime congolais ainsi que sur la mer territoriale congolaise et sur le plateau continental. Les modalit\u00e9s de gestion et de concession du domaine de l\u2019Etat vis\u00e9 \u00e0 l\u2019alin\u00e9a pr\u00e9c\u00e9dent sont d\u00e9termin\u00e9es par la loi.<\/em>\u200b\u200b<\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-de77233 elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"de77233\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p>L\u2019accord pr\u00e9voirait la mise en place de m\u00e9canismes de gouvernance conjointe, notamment des structures d\u00e9cisionnelles fonctionnant \u00ab par consensus \u00bb. Dans les accords internationaux comparables, ce type de clause peut avoir pour effet pratique de conf\u00e9rer \u00e0 chaque partie un\u00a0<strong>pouvoir de blocage sur des d\u00e9cisions strat\u00e9giques<\/strong> telles que :<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>l\u2019approbation de projets miniers ;<\/li>\n<li>l\u2019orientation des exportations ;<\/li>\n<li>les priorit\u00e9s d\u2019investissement.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-e02c07c elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"e02c07c\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p>Selon les dispositions rendues publiques du texte de l\u2019accord, ces d\u00e9cisions sont examin\u00e9es au sein d\u2019organes mixtes de supervision et de validation dot\u00e9s de comp\u00e9tences op\u00e9rationnelles.<\/p>\n<p>Une telle configuration soul\u00e8ve une question constitutionnelle majeure :\u00a0<strong>le partage de la d\u00e9cision strat\u00e9gique sur les ressources naturelles constitue-t-il une simple coop\u00e9ration ou une d\u00e9l\u00e9gation de souverainet\u00e9 ?<\/strong>\u200b<\/p>\n<p>Or, en droit congolais, la souverainet\u00e9 sur les ressources naturelles constitue un principe structurant. Coop\u00e9rer n\u2019implique pas de renoncer \u00e0 d\u00e9cider.<\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-f45cfb4 elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"f45cfb4\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p><strong>3) <\/strong><strong>L\u2019ali\u00e9nation partielle de souverainet\u00e9 : une exception strictement encadr\u00e9e<\/strong>\u200b<\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-2e5483b elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"2e5483b\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p><strong><em>Article 217<\/em><\/strong>\u00a0<\/p>\n<p><em>La R\u00e9publique D\u00e9mocratique du Congo peut conclure des trait\u00e9s ou des accords d\u2019association ou de communaut\u00e9 comportant un abandon partiel de souverainet\u00e9 en vue de promouvoir l\u2019unit\u00e9 africaine.<\/em><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-950248b elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"950248b\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p>La Constitution congolaise n\u2019admet l\u2019ali\u00e9nation partielle de souverainet\u00e9 que dans un cadre pr\u00e9cis : <strong>la promotion de l\u2019unit\u00e9 africaine<\/strong>.\u200b\u200b<\/p>\n<p>Transf\u00e9rer des pr\u00e9rogatives d\u00e9cisionnelles \u00e0 un organe binational avec un \u00c9tat non africain pose donc une question lourde de cons\u00e9quences : o\u00f9 s\u2019arr\u00eate la coop\u00e9ration et o\u00f9 commence la d\u00e9l\u00e9gation inconstitutionnelle de pouvoir ?<\/p>\n<p>Ce d\u00e9bat d\u00e9passe le seul cas de l\u2019Accord USA-RDC.<br \/><strong>Il concerne plus largement la mani\u00e8re dont les \u00c9tats africains structurent leurs partenariats strat\u00e9giques dans un contexte de comp\u00e9tition mondiale pour les ressources critiques.<\/strong>\u200b<\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-bd93021 elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"bd93021\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p><strong>4) <\/strong><strong>\u00c9galit\u00e9 devant la loi et concurrence loyale<\/strong><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-0be717f elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"0be717f\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p><strong><em>Article 12<\/em><\/strong>\u00a0<\/p>\n<p><em>Tous les Congolais sont \u00e9gaux devant la loi et ont droit \u00e0 une \u00e9gale protection des lois.<\/em><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-9fa51e2 elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"9fa51e2\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p>L\u2019un des points soulev\u00e9s par les requ\u00e9rants concerne l\u2019\u00e9ventuel octroi de\u00a0<strong>r\u00e9gimes pr\u00e9f\u00e9rentiels \u00e0 certains op\u00e9rateurs en fonction de leur nationalit\u00e9 ou de leur affiliation \u00e0 l\u2019accord<\/strong>, ce qui violerait le principe d\u2019\u00e9galit\u00e9 devant la loi.<\/p>\n<p>Concr\u00e8tement, cela pourrait se traduire par :<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>des exemptions fiscales sp\u00e9cifiques ;<\/li>\n<li>des conditions privil\u00e9gi\u00e9es d\u2019acc\u00e8s aux projets miniers ;<\/li>\n<li>des facilit\u00e9s administratives ou financi\u00e8res non ouvertes aux op\u00e9rateurs locaux ou r\u00e9gionaux.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-bcf1b88 elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"bcf1b88\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p>Dans un \u00c9tat de droit, ces m\u00e9canismes peuvent soulever une question fondamentale : <strong>l\u2019attractivit\u00e9 \u00e9conomique peut-elle justifier des traitements diff\u00e9renci\u00e9s susceptibles d\u2019affaiblir la concurrence loyale et de marginaliser les acteurs nationaux ou d\u2019autres partenaires potentiels ?<\/strong>\u200b\u200b<\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-04e7601 elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"04e7601\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p><strong>5) <\/strong><strong>Le r\u00f4le du Parlement : une exigence d\u00e9mocratique<\/strong><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-ab27cd0 elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"ab27cd0\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p><strong><em>Article 214<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em>Les trait\u00e9s de paix, les trait\u00e9s de commerce, les trait\u00e9s et accords relatifs aux organisations internationales et au r\u00e8glement des conflits internationaux, ceux qui engagent les finances publiques, ceux qui modifient les dispositions l\u00e9gislatives, ceux qui sont relatifs \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9tat des personnes, ceux qui comportent \u00e9change et adjonction de territoire ne peuvent \u00eatre ratifi\u00e9s ou approuv\u00e9s qu\u2019en vertu d\u2019une loi.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Nulle cession, nul \u00e9change, nulle adjonction de territoire n\u2019est valable sans l\u2019accord du peuple congolais consult\u00e9 par voie de r\u00e9f\u00e9rendum.<\/em><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-8286aa1 elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"8286aa1\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p>Lorsque des engagements internationaux touchent au domaine de la loi (fiscalit\u00e9, quotas d\u2019exportation, finances publiques), l\u2019intervention du Parlement n\u2019est pas facultative :\u00a0<strong>elle constitue une exigence d\u00e9mocratique.<\/strong>\u200b\u200b<\/p>\n<p>L\u2019enjeu n\u2019est pas seulement formel. \nContourner l\u2019\u00e9tape de ratification parlementaire\u00a0<strong>affaiblit le principe de s\u00e9paration des pouvoirs<\/strong>\u00a0et peut cr\u00e9er une\u00a0<strong>ins\u00e9curit\u00e9 juridique durable<\/strong>, affectant tant les investisseurs que les citoyens.<\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-cc3053d elementor-widget elementor-widget-heading\" data-id=\"cc3053d\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"heading.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<h2 class=\"elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default\">Conclusion<\/h2>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-d73ad15 elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"d73ad15\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p>Des d\u00e9bats similaires ont \u00e9merg\u00e9 dans plusieurs \u00c9tats africains confront\u00e9s \u00e0 la n\u00e9gociation d\u2019accords strat\u00e9giques dans les secteurs extractifs ou \u00e9nerg\u00e9tiques. Au Ghana, en Zambie ou encore en Tanzanie, certains partenariats internationaux ont suscit\u00e9 des contentieux constitutionnels portant notamment sur la transparence des contrats, la protection des int\u00e9r\u00eats \u00e9conomiques nationaux ou encore le respect des proc\u00e9dures parlementaires.<\/p>\n<p>Ces exp\u00e9riences montrent que la question soulev\u00e9e aujourd\u2019hui en RDC d\u00e9passe le seul cadre d\u2019un accord bilat\u00e9ral. Elle s\u2019inscrit dans\u00a0<strong>un d\u00e9bat continental plus large sur la gouvernance des ressources naturelles, la souverainet\u00e9 \u00e9conomique et la place du droit dans les strat\u00e9gies de d\u00e9veloppement.<\/strong>\u200b<\/p>\n<p>La question n\u2019est pas de rejeter ou non la coop\u00e9ration internationale. La RDC a besoin de partenariats solides, transparents et strat\u00e9giques pour valoriser ses ressources et soutenir sa transformation \u00e9conomique.<\/p>\n<p>La vraie question \u00e0 laquelle la Cour constitutionnelle est appel\u00e9e \u00e0 r\u00e9pondre est : peut-on construire un d\u00e9veloppement durable en contournant la Constitution ?<\/p>\n<p>Pour nous, la r\u00e9ponse est claire:\u00a0<strong>Le d\u00e9veloppement durable repose sur la s\u00e9curit\u00e9 juridique, la transparence institutionnelle et le respect des principes constitutionnels.<\/strong>Dans un contexte de comp\u00e9tition mondiale pour les ressources strat\u00e9giques, la Constitution ne doit pas \u00eatre per\u00e7ue comme un obstacle au progr\u00e8s, mais comme\u00a0<strong>le socle qui en garantit la l\u00e9gitimit\u00e9, la stabilit\u00e9 et la durabilit\u00e9. <\/strong>Elle constitue \u00e9galement un instrument essentiel pour veiller \u00e0 ce que <strong>les richesses nationales contribuent r\u00e9ellement \u00e0 une prosp\u00e9rit\u00e9 partag\u00e9e<\/strong>, b\u00e9n\u00e9ficiant \u00e0 l\u2019ensemble des Congolaises et des Congolais.<\/p>\n<p>Car le v\u00e9ritable d\u00e9veloppement ne se mesure pas uniquement \u00e0 la croissance \u00e9conomique ou \u00e0 l\u2019attraction d\u2019investissements, mais \u00e0 la capacit\u00e9 d\u2019un \u00c9tat \u00e0 transformer ses ressources en opportunit\u00e9s \u00e9quitables, en protection des droits et en am\u00e9lioration concr\u00e8te des conditions de vie de sa population.<\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-426a4a6 elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"426a4a6\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p><img decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft wp-image-2264\" src=\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/03\/Me-David-MUYOMBWE-245x300.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"182\" height=\"193\" \/><\/p>\n<p>\u00a0<\/p>\n<p>\u00a0<\/p>\n<p>\u00a0<\/p>\n<p>\u00a0<\/p>\n<p>\u00a0<\/p>\n<p>Ma\u00eetre David Muyombwe, Avocat (Barreau de Kinshasa\/Matete)<\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-a1dc3e9 elementor-widget elementor-widget-spacer\" data-id=\"a1dc3e9\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"spacer.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-spacer\">\n\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-spacer-inner\"><\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-3178873 elementor-widget elementor-widget-spacer\" data-id=\"3178873\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"spacer.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-spacer\">\n\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-spacer-inner\"><\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-f62aba8 elementor-align-center elementor-widget elementor-widget-button\" data-id=\"f62aba8\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"button.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-button-wrapper\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<a class=\"elementor-button elementor-button-link elementor-size-sm\" href=\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/become-a-star\/\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<span class=\"elementor-button-content-wrapper\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<span class=\"elementor-button-text\">Rejoignez-nous<\/span>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>This analysis does not prejudge the outcome of the case currently pending before the Constitutional Court. Can an international agreement bind a State in the long term without respecting the Constitution on which it is founded?\u200b This question lies at the heart of the constitutional challenge brought before the Constitutional Court against the \u201cStrategic Partnership Agreement between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo\u201d on cooperation in the area of strategic minerals, investments and sensitive infrastructure, signed on 4 December 2025.\u200b\u200b In January 2026, a group of Congolese lawyers, supported by several human rights organisations, filed an application before the Constitutional Court seeking to annul the agreement, arguing that it violates core constitutional principles on the protection of national sovereignty, equality before the law and the role of Parliament in ratifying international treaties.\u200b Beyond the political controversy, the issue is first and foremost a legal one and raises a fundamental question:\u00a0how far can a State go in international cooperation without giving up part of its constitutional sovereignty?\u200b Five constitutional issues at stake To shed light on this debate, several key legal issues must be examined in light of the constitutional framework governing the DRC\u2019s international action.\u200b\u200b 1) The Constitution as a compass for international partnerships In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the conclusion of international agreements is not a matter left to the unfettered discretion of the President of the Republic.\u200b\u200b The Constitution strictly regulates a number of sensitive areas:\u200b\u200b public finances; the exploitation of strategic natural resources; commitments liable to affect national sovereignty. Constitutional review is therefore not a brake on development.\u200b It is a\u00a0guarantee of legality and transparency, intended to protect the public interest against haste, opacity and abuses of power.\u200b\u200b 2) Natural resources: cooperation or de facto external control? Article 9\u00a0 The State shall exercise permanent sovereignty notably over the soil, subsoil, waters and forests, over the Congolese airspace and the fluvial, lacustrine and maritime spaces, as well as over the Congolese territorial sea and continental shelf. The modalities for the management and concession of the State\u2019s domain referred to in the preceding paragraph shall be determined by law.\u200b\u200b The agreement provides for the establishment of joint governance mechanisms, including decision-making bodies that operate \u201cby consensus\u201d.\u200b\u200b In comparable international agreements, such clauses often have the practical effect of giving each party a\u00a0veto power\u00a0over strategic decisions such as:\u200b approval of mining projects; directions for mineral exports; investment priorities. According to the provisions of the agreement that have been made public, these decisions are examined within mixed bodies responsible for supervising and validating implementation and endowed with operational powers.\u200b Such an arrangement raises a major constitutional question:\u00a0does sharing strategic decision-making over natural resources amount to mere cooperation, or to a delegation of sovereignty?\u200b Under Congolese law, sovereignty over natural resources is a foundational principle. Cooperating does not mean renouncing the State\u2019s own decision-making power.\u200b\u200b 3) Partial transfer of sovereignty: a strictly limited exception\u200b Article 217\u00a0 The Democratic Republic of the Congo may conclude treaties or agreements of association or community involving a partial abandonment of sovereignty with a view to promoting African unity. In other words, the Constitution only allows a partial transfer of sovereignty in a very specific context: the promotion of African unity.\u200b\u200b Transferring decision-making powers to a binational body established with a non\u2011African State therefore raises a sensitive question:\u00a0where does cooperation end and unconstitutional delegation of power begin?\u200b This debate goes far beyond the DRC\u2013US agreement alone.\u200bIt speaks more broadly to the way African States structure their strategic partnerships in a context of global competition for critical resources.\u200b 4) Equality before the law and fair competition Article 12\u00a0 All Congolese are equal before the law and are entitled to equal protection by the laws. One of the issues raised by the applicants concerns the possible granting of\u00a0preferential regimes to certain operators based on their nationality or their affiliation with the agreement, which would breach the principle of equality before the law.\u200b In practice, this could take the form of:\u200b specific tax exemptions; privileged access to mining projects; administrative or financial facilities not available to local or regional operators. In a State governed by the rule of law, such mechanisms prompt a fundamental question: can economic attractiveness justify differential treatment that risks undermining fair competition and sidelining national actors or other potential partners?\u200b\u200b 5) The role of Parliament as a democratic safeguard Article 214 Treaties of peace, treaties of commerce, treaties and agreements relating to international organisations and to the settlement of international disputes, those which commit State finances, those which modify legislative provisions, those relating to the status of persons, and those involving exchange or addition of territory may only be ratified or approved by virtue of a law. No cession, exchange or addition of territory shall be valid without the consent of the Congolese people expressed by way of referendum. Whenever international commitments fall within the realm of legislation (taxation, export quotas, public finances), parliamentary involvement is not optional:\u00a0it is a democratic requirement.\u200b\u200b The issue is not merely procedural.\u200b Bypassing parliamentary ratification\u00a0weakens the separation of powers\u00a0and can create\u00a0long\u2011term legal uncertainty, affecting both investors and citizens.\u200b\u200b Conclusion Similar debates have arisen in several African countries that have negotiated strategic agreements in the extractive or energy sectors. In Ghana, Zambia and Tanzania, for example, some international partnerships have been challenged on constitutional grounds, particularly regarding contract transparency, protection of national economic interests and compliance with parliamentary procedures.\u200b These experiences show that the question now facing the DRC goes beyond a single bilateral deal. It is part of\u00a0a broader continental debate on the governance of natural resources, economic sovereignty and the role of law in development strategies.\u200b The issue is not whether to reject international cooperation.\u200b The DRC clearly needs robust, transparent and strategic partnerships to harness its resources and support economic transformation.\u200b\u200b The real question the Constitutional Court is called upon to answer is this:\u00a0can a country build sustainable development by sidestepping its own<\/p>","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":2268,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_coblocks_attr":"","_coblocks_dimensions":"","_coblocks_responsive_height":"","_coblocks_accordion_ie_support":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[24],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2259","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-blog"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.2 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>US-DRC Critical Minerals Deal: When a Strategic Partnership Collides with the Constitution - Ius Stella<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/us-drc-critical-minerals-deal-when-a-strategic-partnership-collides-with-the-constitution\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"fr_FR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"US-DRC Critical Minerals Deal: When a Strategic Partnership Collides with the Constitution - Ius Stella\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"This analysis does not prejudge the outcome of the case currently pending before the Constitutional Court. Can an international agreement bind a State in the long term without respecting the Constitution on which it is founded?\u200b This question lies at the heart of the constitutional challenge brought before the Constitutional Court against the \u201cStrategic Partnership Agreement between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo\u201d on cooperation in the area of strategic minerals, investments and sensitive infrastructure, signed on 4 December 2025.\u200b\u200b In January 2026, a group of Congolese lawyers, supported by several human rights organisations, filed an application before the Constitutional Court seeking to annul the agreement, arguing that it violates core constitutional principles on the protection of national sovereignty, equality before the law and the role of Parliament in ratifying international treaties.\u200b Beyond the political controversy, the issue is first and foremost a legal one and raises a fundamental question:\u00a0how far can a State go in international cooperation without giving up part of its constitutional sovereignty?\u200b Five constitutional issues at stake To shed light on this debate, several key legal issues must be examined in light of the constitutional framework governing the DRC\u2019s international action.\u200b\u200b 1) The Constitution as a compass for international partnerships In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the conclusion of international agreements is not a matter left to the unfettered discretion of the President of the Republic.\u200b\u200b The Constitution strictly regulates a number of sensitive areas:\u200b\u200b public finances; the exploitation of strategic natural resources; commitments liable to affect national sovereignty. Constitutional review is therefore not a brake on development.\u200b It is a\u00a0guarantee of legality and transparency, intended to protect the public interest against haste, opacity and abuses of power.\u200b\u200b 2) Natural resources: cooperation or de facto external control? Article 9\u00a0 The State shall exercise permanent sovereignty notably over the soil, subsoil, waters and forests, over the Congolese airspace and the fluvial, lacustrine and maritime spaces, as well as over the Congolese territorial sea and continental shelf. The modalities for the management and concession of the State\u2019s domain referred to in the preceding paragraph shall be determined by law.\u200b\u200b The agreement provides for the establishment of joint governance mechanisms, including decision-making bodies that operate \u201cby consensus\u201d.\u200b\u200b In comparable international agreements, such clauses often have the practical effect of giving each party a\u00a0veto power\u00a0over strategic decisions such as:\u200b approval of mining projects; directions for mineral exports; investment priorities. According to the provisions of the agreement that have been made public, these decisions are examined within mixed bodies responsible for supervising and validating implementation and endowed with operational powers.\u200b Such an arrangement raises a major constitutional question:\u00a0does sharing strategic decision-making over natural resources amount to mere cooperation, or to a delegation of sovereignty?\u200b Under Congolese law, sovereignty over natural resources is a foundational principle. Cooperating does not mean renouncing the State\u2019s own decision-making power.\u200b\u200b 3) Partial transfer of sovereignty: a strictly limited exception\u200b Article 217\u00a0 The Democratic Republic of the Congo may conclude treaties or agreements of association or community involving a partial abandonment of sovereignty with a view to promoting African unity. In other words, the Constitution only allows a partial transfer of sovereignty in a very specific context: the promotion of African unity.\u200b\u200b Transferring decision-making powers to a binational body established with a non\u2011African State therefore raises a sensitive question:\u00a0where does cooperation end and unconstitutional delegation of power begin?\u200b This debate goes far beyond the DRC\u2013US agreement alone.\u200bIt speaks more broadly to the way African States structure their strategic partnerships in a context of global competition for critical resources.\u200b 4) Equality before the law and fair competition Article 12\u00a0 All Congolese are equal before the law and are entitled to equal protection by the laws. One of the issues raised by the applicants concerns the possible granting of\u00a0preferential regimes to certain operators based on their nationality or their affiliation with the agreement, which would breach the principle of equality before the law.\u200b In practice, this could take the form of:\u200b specific tax exemptions; privileged access to mining projects; administrative or financial facilities not available to local or regional operators. In a State governed by the rule of law, such mechanisms prompt a fundamental question: can economic attractiveness justify differential treatment that risks undermining fair competition and sidelining national actors or other potential partners?\u200b\u200b 5) The role of Parliament as a democratic safeguard Article 214 Treaties of peace, treaties of commerce, treaties and agreements relating to international organisations and to the settlement of international disputes, those which commit State finances, those which modify legislative provisions, those relating to the status of persons, and those involving exchange or addition of territory may only be ratified or approved by virtue of a law. No cession, exchange or addition of territory shall be valid without the consent of the Congolese people expressed by way of referendum. Whenever international commitments fall within the realm of legislation (taxation, export quotas, public finances), parliamentary involvement is not optional:\u00a0it is a democratic requirement.\u200b\u200b The issue is not merely procedural.\u200b Bypassing parliamentary ratification\u00a0weakens the separation of powers\u00a0and can create\u00a0long\u2011term legal uncertainty, affecting both investors and citizens.\u200b\u200b Conclusion Similar debates have arisen in several African countries that have negotiated strategic agreements in the extractive or energy sectors. In Ghana, Zambia and Tanzania, for example, some international partnerships have been challenged on constitutional grounds, particularly regarding contract transparency, protection of national economic interests and compliance with parliamentary procedures.\u200b These experiences show that the question now facing the DRC goes beyond a single bilateral deal. It is part of\u00a0a broader continental debate on the governance of natural resources, economic sovereignty and the role of law in development strategies.\u200b The issue is not whether to reject international cooperation.\u200b The DRC clearly needs robust, transparent and strategic partnerships to harness its resources and support economic transformation.\u200b\u200b The real question the Constitutional Court is called upon to answer is this:\u00a0can a country build sustainable development by sidestepping its own\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/us-drc-critical-minerals-deal-when-a-strategic-partnership-collides-with-the-constitution\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Ius Stella\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:publisher\" content=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/IusStella\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2026-03-20T10:34:30+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2026-03-21T12:09:37+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/03\/Blog-Banners-1800x810-1.png\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"416\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"312\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/png\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"Jessica\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"\u00c9crit par\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"Jessica\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Dur\u00e9e de lecture estim\u00e9e\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"6 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\/\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/us-drc-critical-minerals-deal-when-a-strategic-partnership-collides-with-the-constitution\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/us-drc-critical-minerals-deal-when-a-strategic-partnership-collides-with-the-constitution\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"Jessica\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/#\/schema\/person\/4f7eb1a015a8a1c06f773739fd2320eb\"},\"headline\":\"US-DRC Critical Minerals Deal: When a Strategic Partnership Collides with the Constitution\",\"datePublished\":\"2026-03-20T10:34:30+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2026-03-21T12:09:37+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/us-drc-critical-minerals-deal-when-a-strategic-partnership-collides-with-the-constitution\/\"},\"wordCount\":1134,\"commentCount\":0,\"publisher\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/#organization\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/us-drc-critical-minerals-deal-when-a-strategic-partnership-collides-with-the-constitution\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/03\/Blog-Banners-1800x810-1.png\",\"articleSection\":[\"Blog\"],\"inLanguage\":\"fr-FR\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"CommentAction\",\"name\":\"Comment\",\"target\":[\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/us-drc-critical-minerals-deal-when-a-strategic-partnership-collides-with-the-constitution\/#respond\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/us-drc-critical-minerals-deal-when-a-strategic-partnership-collides-with-the-constitution\/\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/us-drc-critical-minerals-deal-when-a-strategic-partnership-collides-with-the-constitution\/\",\"name\":\"US-DRC Critical Minerals Deal: When a Strategic Partnership Collides with the Constitution - 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Ius Stella","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/us-drc-critical-minerals-deal-when-a-strategic-partnership-collides-with-the-constitution\/","og_locale":"fr_FR","og_type":"article","og_title":"US-DRC Critical Minerals Deal: When a Strategic Partnership Collides with the Constitution - Ius Stella","og_description":"This analysis does not prejudge the outcome of the case currently pending before the Constitutional Court. Can an international agreement bind a State in the long term without respecting the Constitution on which it is founded?\u200b This question lies at the heart of the constitutional challenge brought before the Constitutional Court against the \u201cStrategic Partnership Agreement between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo\u201d on cooperation in the area of strategic minerals, investments and sensitive infrastructure, signed on 4 December 2025.\u200b\u200b In January 2026, a group of Congolese lawyers, supported by several human rights organisations, filed an application before the Constitutional Court seeking to annul the agreement, arguing that it violates core constitutional principles on the protection of national sovereignty, equality before the law and the role of Parliament in ratifying international treaties.\u200b Beyond the political controversy, the issue is first and foremost a legal one and raises a fundamental question:\u00a0how far can a State go in international cooperation without giving up part of its constitutional sovereignty?\u200b Five constitutional issues at stake To shed light on this debate, several key legal issues must be examined in light of the constitutional framework governing the DRC\u2019s international action.\u200b\u200b 1) The Constitution as a compass for international partnerships In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the conclusion of international agreements is not a matter left to the unfettered discretion of the President of the Republic.\u200b\u200b The Constitution strictly regulates a number of sensitive areas:\u200b\u200b public finances; the exploitation of strategic natural resources; commitments liable to affect national sovereignty. Constitutional review is therefore not a brake on development.\u200b It is a\u00a0guarantee of legality and transparency, intended to protect the public interest against haste, opacity and abuses of power.\u200b\u200b 2) Natural resources: cooperation or de facto external control? Article 9\u00a0 The State shall exercise permanent sovereignty notably over the soil, subsoil, waters and forests, over the Congolese airspace and the fluvial, lacustrine and maritime spaces, as well as over the Congolese territorial sea and continental shelf. The modalities for the management and concession of the State\u2019s domain referred to in the preceding paragraph shall be determined by law.\u200b\u200b The agreement provides for the establishment of joint governance mechanisms, including decision-making bodies that operate \u201cby consensus\u201d.\u200b\u200b In comparable international agreements, such clauses often have the practical effect of giving each party a\u00a0veto power\u00a0over strategic decisions such as:\u200b approval of mining projects; directions for mineral exports; investment priorities. According to the provisions of the agreement that have been made public, these decisions are examined within mixed bodies responsible for supervising and validating implementation and endowed with operational powers.\u200b Such an arrangement raises a major constitutional question:\u00a0does sharing strategic decision-making over natural resources amount to mere cooperation, or to a delegation of sovereignty?\u200b Under Congolese law, sovereignty over natural resources is a foundational principle. Cooperating does not mean renouncing the State\u2019s own decision-making power.\u200b\u200b 3) Partial transfer of sovereignty: a strictly limited exception\u200b Article 217\u00a0 The Democratic Republic of the Congo may conclude treaties or agreements of association or community involving a partial abandonment of sovereignty with a view to promoting African unity. In other words, the Constitution only allows a partial transfer of sovereignty in a very specific context: the promotion of African unity.\u200b\u200b Transferring decision-making powers to a binational body established with a non\u2011African State therefore raises a sensitive question:\u00a0where does cooperation end and unconstitutional delegation of power begin?\u200b This debate goes far beyond the DRC\u2013US agreement alone.\u200bIt speaks more broadly to the way African States structure their strategic partnerships in a context of global competition for critical resources.\u200b 4) Equality before the law and fair competition Article 12\u00a0 All Congolese are equal before the law and are entitled to equal protection by the laws. One of the issues raised by the applicants concerns the possible granting of\u00a0preferential regimes to certain operators based on their nationality or their affiliation with the agreement, which would breach the principle of equality before the law.\u200b In practice, this could take the form of:\u200b specific tax exemptions; privileged access to mining projects; administrative or financial facilities not available to local or regional operators. In a State governed by the rule of law, such mechanisms prompt a fundamental question: can economic attractiveness justify differential treatment that risks undermining fair competition and sidelining national actors or other potential partners?\u200b\u200b 5) The role of Parliament as a democratic safeguard Article 214 Treaties of peace, treaties of commerce, treaties and agreements relating to international organisations and to the settlement of international disputes, those which commit State finances, those which modify legislative provisions, those relating to the status of persons, and those involving exchange or addition of territory may only be ratified or approved by virtue of a law. No cession, exchange or addition of territory shall be valid without the consent of the Congolese people expressed by way of referendum. Whenever international commitments fall within the realm of legislation (taxation, export quotas, public finances), parliamentary involvement is not optional:\u00a0it is a democratic requirement.\u200b\u200b The issue is not merely procedural.\u200b Bypassing parliamentary ratification\u00a0weakens the separation of powers\u00a0and can create\u00a0long\u2011term legal uncertainty, affecting both investors and citizens.\u200b\u200b Conclusion Similar debates have arisen in several African countries that have negotiated strategic agreements in the extractive or energy sectors. In Ghana, Zambia and Tanzania, for example, some international partnerships have been challenged on constitutional grounds, particularly regarding contract transparency, protection of national economic interests and compliance with parliamentary procedures.\u200b These experiences show that the question now facing the DRC goes beyond a single bilateral deal. It is part of\u00a0a broader continental debate on the governance of natural resources, economic sovereignty and the role of law in development strategies.\u200b The issue is not whether to reject international cooperation.\u200b The DRC clearly needs robust, transparent and strategic partnerships to harness its resources and support economic transformation.\u200b\u200b The real question the Constitutional Court is called upon to answer is this:\u00a0can a country build sustainable development by sidestepping its own","og_url":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/us-drc-critical-minerals-deal-when-a-strategic-partnership-collides-with-the-constitution\/","og_site_name":"Ius Stella","article_publisher":"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/IusStella","article_published_time":"2026-03-20T10:34:30+00:00","article_modified_time":"2026-03-21T12:09:37+00:00","og_image":[{"width":416,"height":312,"url":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/03\/Blog-Banners-1800x810-1.png","type":"image\/png"}],"author":"Jessica","twitter_card":"summary_large_image","twitter_misc":{"\u00c9crit par":"Jessica","Dur\u00e9e de lecture estim\u00e9e":"6 minutes"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"Article","@id":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/us-drc-critical-minerals-deal-when-a-strategic-partnership-collides-with-the-constitution\/#article","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/us-drc-critical-minerals-deal-when-a-strategic-partnership-collides-with-the-constitution\/"},"author":{"name":"Jessica","@id":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/#\/schema\/person\/4f7eb1a015a8a1c06f773739fd2320eb"},"headline":"US-DRC Critical Minerals Deal: When a Strategic 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href=\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/category\/blog\/\" rel=\"category tag\">Blog<\/a>","rttpg_excerpt":"This analysis does not prejudge the outcome of the case currently pending before the Constitutional Court. Can an international agreement bind a State in the long term without respecting the Constitution on which it is founded?\u200b This question lies at the heart of the constitutional challenge brought before the Constitutional Court against the \u201cStrategic Partnership\u2026","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2259","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2259"}],"version-history":[{"count":20,"href":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2259\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2285,"href":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2259\/revisions\/2285"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/2268"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2259"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2259"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2259"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}