{"id":2305,"date":"2026-07-09T15:17:05","date_gmt":"2026-07-09T15:17:05","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/?p=2305"},"modified":"2026-07-09T15:17:08","modified_gmt":"2026-07-09T15:17:08","slug":"constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/","title":{"rendered":"Changer la Constitution, mais pour r\u00e9soudre quel probl\u00e8me ?"},"content":{"rendered":"<div data-elementor-type=\"wp-post\" data-elementor-id=\"2305\" class=\"elementor elementor-2305\" data-elementor-post-type=\"post\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-cb0182d e-flex e-con-boxed wpr-particle-no wpr-jarallax-no wpr-parallax-no wpr-sticky-section-no e-con e-parent\" data-id=\"cb0182d\" data-element_type=\"container\" data-e-type=\"container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"e-con-inner\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-33543f3 elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"33543f3\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p><strong><em>Depuis plusieurs mois, le d\u00e9bat public en R\u00e9publique d\u00e9mocratique du Congo semble tourner autour d'une m\u00eame question : faut-il r\u00e9viser la Constitution ? Pourtant, une interrogation plus fondamentale reste largement absente des discussions : quel est exactement le probl\u00e8me que cette r\u00e9forme entend r\u00e9soudre ? <\/em><em>De Ouagadougou \u00e0 Nairobi, l'exp\u00e9rience africaine montre qu'une r\u00e9forme constitutionnelle ne garantit ni le progr\u00e8s ni la stabilit\u00e9. Lorsqu'elle ne repose pas sur un diagnostic rigoureux et un processus inclusif, elle peut au contraire devenir un facteur d'instabilit\u00e9 plut\u00f4t qu'une r\u00e9ponse aux d\u00e9fis auxquels un pays est confront\u00e9.<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-e8e3577 elementor-widget elementor-widget-heading\" data-id=\"e8e3577\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"heading.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<h2 class=\"elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default\">Introduction<\/h2>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-e1abbff elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"e1abbff\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p>La question de la r\u00e9vision de la Constitution occupe une place centrale dans le d\u00e9bat public congolais en ce moment.<\/p>\n<p>\u00a0<\/p>\n<p>Les positions se durcissent et les inqui\u00e9tudes s\u2019intensifient. Pour certains, la Constitution de 2006 ne r\u00e9pondrait plus aux d\u00e9fis contemporains auxquels le pays est confront\u00e9 et m\u00e9riterait d\u2019\u00eatre r\u00e9vis\u00e9e afin de renforcer l'efficacit\u00e9 de l'action publique. Pour d'autres, elle demeure l'un des principaux remparts contre les d\u00e9rives du pouvoir et toute modification du texte fondamental risque d'affaiblir les \u00e9quilibres d\u00e9mocratiques construits au cours des deux derni\u00e8res d\u00e9cennies.<\/p>\n<p>\u00a0<\/p>\n<p>Ce d\u00e9bat est normal, l\u00e9gitime, voire sain dans toute d\u00e9mocratie. Une Constitution n'est ni un texte fig\u00e9 ni une \u0153uvre intangible. Toute d\u00e9mocratie peut \u00eatre amen\u00e9e \u00e0 faire \u00e9voluer ses institutions lorsque les circonstances l'exigent.<\/p>\n<p>\u00a0<\/p>\n<p>Mais avant de d\u00e9battre d'une r\u00e9forme, une question devrait pr\u00e9c\u00e9der toutes les autres : <strong>quel est exactement le probl\u00e8me que cette r\u00e9forme entend r\u00e9soudre ?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u00a0<\/p>\n<p>La question peut sembler \u00e9vidente. Pourtant, elle est rarement au c\u0153ur des discussions. Le d\u00e9bat semble commencer par la solution avant m\u00eame que le probl\u00e8me n'ait \u00e9t\u00e9 clairement identifi\u00e9.<\/p>\n<p>\u00a0<\/p>\n<p>Or, le diagnostic devrait pr\u00e9c\u00e9der la solution. Aucun m\u00e9decin ne prescrit un traitement avant d'avoir \u00e9tabli un diagnostic. Pourquoi en serait-il autrement lorsqu'il s'agit du pacte fondamental qui organise la vie d'une Nation ?<\/p>\n<p>\u00a0<\/p>\n<p>Le pr\u00e9sent article ne cherche pas \u00e0 d\u00e9terminer s'il faut ou non r\u00e9viser la Constitution. Il propose de d\u00e9placer le d\u00e9bat vers une question plus fondamentale : <strong>comment savoir si une r\u00e9forme constitutionnelle est r\u00e9ellement n\u00e9cessaire ?<\/strong> Pour y r\u00e9pondre, il s'appuie sur le d\u00e9bat congolais et sur les exp\u00e9riences d\u2019autres pays africains afin de montrer qu'avant de modifier les r\u00e8gles du jeu, une d\u00e9mocratie gagne toujours \u00e0 s'accorder sur le probl\u00e8me qu'elle cherche \u00e0 r\u00e9soudre.<\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-adf6f92 elementor-widget elementor-widget-heading\" data-id=\"adf6f92\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"heading.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<h2 class=\"elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default\">I. Le d\u00e9bat constitutionnel congolais : une solution \u00e0 la recherche de son probl\u00e8me<\/h2>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-4ce4cfd elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"4ce4cfd\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p>En RDC, la Constitution semble aujourd'hui porter le poids de toutes les frustrations nationales : lorsque les institutions peinent \u00e0 produire les r\u00e9sultats attendus, que la gouvernance est en souffrance, que l\u2019ins\u00e9curit\u00e9 persiste, ou encore que le d\u00e9veloppement tarde \u00e0 r\u00e9pondre aux attentes des citoyens.<\/p>\n<p>Apr\u00e8s pr\u00e8s de deux d\u00e9cennies d'application, il est naturel que les citoyens, les universitaires, les acteurs politiques ou les organisations de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile s'interrogent sur le fonctionnement de certaines institutions et sur la pertinence de certains m\u00e9canismes constitutionnels.<\/p>\n<p>Tous ces d\u00e9bats d\u00e9bouchent souvent sur une m\u00eame interrogation : les blocages auxquels le pays est confront\u00e9 trouvent-ils leur origine dans son architecture institutionnelle ?<\/p>\n<p>La question est l\u00e9gitime. Mais elle appelle une exigence de m\u00e9thode. Toutes les difficult\u00e9s auxquelles un \u00c9tat est confront\u00e9 ne sont pas n\u00e9cessairement des difficult\u00e9s constitutionnelles. Et il serait dangereux de l\u2019utiliser comme bouc \u00e9missaire commode lorsque les causes r\u00e9elles des probl\u00e8mes se situent ailleurs.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Car une r\u00e9forme constitutionnelle n'est pas un acte anodin. Elle touche au contrat politique qui lie les institutions, organise l'exercice du pouvoir et garantit les droits fondamentaux des citoyens.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Avant d'envisager une r\u00e9forme, un diagnostic pr\u00e9cis doit \u00eatre fait et plusieurs questions devraient donc \u00eatre pos\u00e9es :<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Quels sont pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment les dysfonctionnements observ\u00e9s ?<\/li>\n<li>D\u00e9coulent-ils directement de la Constitution ou de sa mise en \u0153uvre ?<\/li>\n<li>Les m\u00e9canismes existants ont-ils \u00e9t\u00e9 pleinement appliqu\u00e9s ?<\/li>\n<li>Quelles dispositions constitutionnelles sont concern\u00e9es ?<\/li>\n<li>En quoi une modification du texte permettrait-elle de r\u00e9soudre ces difficult\u00e9s ?<\/li>\n<\/ul>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-017868e elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"017868e\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p>Ces interrogations devraient logiquement constituer le point de d\u00e9part de toute r\u00e9flexion sur une \u00e9ventuelle r\u00e9vision constitutionnelle. Pourtant, elles demeurent souvent au second plan du d\u00e9bat public congolais, qui se concentre davantage sur les acteurs et leurs intentions pr\u00e9sum\u00e9es que sur le dispositif constitutionnel lui-m\u00eame.<\/p>\n<p>Le risque est alors de transformer un d\u00e9bat institutionnel en affrontement politique.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Or, une Constitution n'est pas un instrument con\u00e7u pour r\u00e9pondre aux pr\u00e9occupations d'une majorit\u00e9 politique ou d'une g\u00e9n\u00e9ration de dirigeants. Elle est cens\u00e9e survivre \u00e0 tous, en organisant durablement l'exercice du pouvoir.<\/strong> Toute modification de ce pacte fondamental m\u00e9rite donc davantage qu'une r\u00e9ponse aux circonstances du moment. Elle exige une d\u00e9monstration rigoureuse de sa n\u00e9cessit\u00e9.<\/p>\n<p>La v\u00e9ritable question n'est donc peut-\u00eatre pas encore de savoir s'il faut r\u00e9viser la Constitution. Elle est de d\u00e9terminer si les difficult\u00e9s que nous observons aujourd\u2019hui r\u00e9v\u00e8lent les limites de notre texte fondamental ou plut\u00f4t celles de notre mani\u00e8re de le faire vivre.<\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-3575d0c elementor-widget elementor-widget-heading\" data-id=\"3575d0c\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"heading.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<h2 class=\"elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default\">II. Le paradoxe congolais : une Constitution ambitieuse, un \u00c9tat encore fragile<\/h2>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-e02c07c elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"e02c07c\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p>Comme tout texte fondamental, notre Constitution n'est ni parfaite ni intangible. Certaines de ses dispositions peuvent l\u00e9gitimement \u00eatre discut\u00e9es, pr\u00e9cis\u00e9es ou adapt\u00e9es \u00e0 la lumi\u00e8re de l'exp\u00e9rience. <strong>Mais avant d'en examiner les \u00e9ventuelles limites, il convient de rappeler une r\u00e9alit\u00e9 souvent absente du d\u00e9bat public actuel : dans son ambition, la Constitution congolaise est un texte particuli\u00e8rement riche<\/strong>.<\/p>\n<p>Elle consacre la s\u00e9paration des pouvoirs, garantit un large \u00e9ventail de droits et libert\u00e9s fondamentaux, organise la d\u00e9centralisation, institue des m\u00e9canismes de contr\u00f4le et de contre-pouvoir, encadre le pluralisme politique et affirme la souverainet\u00e9 du peuple et la primaut\u00e9 de l'\u00c9tat de droit. <strong>Elle ne se contente pas de r\u00e9partir les comp\u00e9tences entre les institutions : elle porte une v\u00e9ritable vision de l'\u00c9tat, de la d\u00e9mocratie et de la gouvernance.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Sur le papier, cette architecture institutionnelle est ambitieuse.<\/p>\n<p>Pourtant, l\u2019exp\u00e9rience des deux derni\u00e8res d\u00e9cennies r\u00e9v\u00e8le une r\u00e9alit\u00e9 plus contrast\u00e9e. \nL'ins\u00e9curit\u00e9 continue d'affecter certaines r\u00e9gions du pays. La confiance envers plusieurs institutions reste fragile. Les tensions politiques resurgissent r\u00e9guli\u00e8rement lors des \u00e9ch\u00e9ances \u00e9lectorales. Les attentes des citoyens en mati\u00e8re de justice, de gouvernance et de d\u00e9veloppement demeurent largement sup\u00e9rieures aux r\u00e9sultats obtenus.<\/p>\n<p>C'est l\u00e0 que r\u00e9side le v\u00e9ritable paradoxe congolais.<\/p>\n<p>Comment expliquer qu'une Constitution porteuse d'une ambition d\u00e9mocratique aussi importante coexiste avec des institutions qui peinent encore \u00e0 produire les effets qu'elle promet ?<\/p>\n<p>Deux r\u00e9ponses sont possibles.<\/p>\n<p>La premi\u00e8re consiste \u00e0 consid\u00e9rer que ces difficult\u00e9s r\u00e9v\u00e8lent les insuffisances du texte constitutionnel lui-m\u00eame et qu'une r\u00e9forme s'impose.<\/p>\n<p>La seconde invite \u00e0 se demander si ces difficult\u00e9s ne trouvent pas davantage leur origine dans la mani\u00e8re dont les institutions fonctionnent, dans les pratiques politiques ou dans la mise en \u0153uvre parfois incompl\u00e8te des m\u00e9canismes d\u00e9j\u00e0 pr\u00e9vus par la Constitution.<\/p>\n<p>Cette seconde hypoth\u00e8se m\u00e9rite une attention particuli\u00e8re.<\/p>\n<p>Car une Constitution ne gouverne jamais \u00e0 la place des gouvernants. Aussi \u00e9labor\u00e9 soit-il, aucun texte fondamental ne produit spontan\u00e9ment les r\u00e9sultats qu'il promet. Une Constitution fixe un cadre, d\u00e9finit des principes et \u00e9tablit des r\u00e8gles du jeu. Mais elle ne peut garantir, \u00e0 elle seule, la bonne gouvernance, l\u2019int\u00e9grit\u00e9 des institutions, l\u2019efficacit\u00e9 administrative ou la stabilit\u00e9 politique.<\/p>\n<p><strong>En d\u2019autres termes, une constitution ne peut jamais se substituer \u00e0 la volont\u00e9 collective de respecter les r\u00e8gles qu'elle consacre.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Entre les principes inscrits dans la Constitution et leur traduction dans la r\u00e9alit\u00e9 existe un espace d\u00e9cisif : celui des pratiques institutionnelles, des comportements des acteurs publics et de la culture politique. C'est souvent dans cet espace que se joue la r\u00e9ussite ou l'\u00e9chec d'une d\u00e9mocratie.<\/p>\n<p>\u00c0 cet \u00e9gard, le d\u00e9fi congolais pourrait \u00eatre moins constitutionnel qu'institutionnel.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Il tient d'abord \u00e0 notre rapport \u00e0 l'\u00c9tat. <\/strong>Dans une d\u00e9mocratie, les institutions sont con\u00e7ues pour \u00eatre plus grandes que les individus qui les dirigent. Les pr\u00e9sidents passent. Les gouvernements passent. Les majorit\u00e9s parlementaires passent. L'\u00c9tat, lui, demeure. Pourtant, le d\u00e9bat politique congolais donne parfois l'impression que la cr\u00e9dibilit\u00e9 des institutions d\u00e9pend davantage des personnes qui les incarnent momentan\u00e9ment que de la permanence de leur mission. Lorsqu'une institution est per\u00e7ue comme l'expression d'un pouvoir plut\u00f4t que comme un bien commun, elle devient vuln\u00e9rable aux alternances politiques et aux passions du moment, et son autorit\u00e9 s'en trouve durablement fragilis\u00e9e.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Il tient ensuite \u00e0 notre rapport aux r\u00e8gles.<\/strong>L'\u00c9tat de droit ne se mesure pas \u00e0 la mani\u00e8re dont une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 respecte les r\u00e8gles lorsqu'elles confortent ses int\u00e9r\u00eats. Il se mesure \u00e0 sa capacit\u00e9 \u00e0 les respecter lorsqu'elles deviennent contraignantes, y compris lorsqu'elles produisent un r\u00e9sultat politiquement d\u00e9favorable. C'est cette fid\u00e9lit\u00e9 aux r\u00e8gles, ind\u00e9pendamment des circonstances, qui fonde une v\u00e9ritable culture institutionnelle.<\/p>\n<p>Enfin, il invite \u00e0 une r\u00e9flexion plus fondamentale : <strong>avons-nous pleinement exploit\u00e9 les m\u00e9canismes que la Constitution met d\u00e9j\u00e0 \u00e0 notre disposition ?<\/strong> Les institutions qu'elle pr\u00e9voit disposent-elles r\u00e9ellement des moyens, de l'ind\u00e9pendance et de la confiance n\u00e9cessaires pour remplir leur mission ? Les r\u00e9formes d'application indispensables \u00e0 son effectivit\u00e9 ont-elles toutes \u00e9t\u00e9 men\u00e9es \u00e0 leur terme ?<\/p>\n<p>Ces questions ne visent pas \u00e0 exon\u00e9rer la Constitution de toute critique. <strong>Elles rappellent simplement qu'avant de conclure \u00e0 l'insuffisance des r\u00e8gles, il convient d'examiner avec lucidit\u00e9 la mani\u00e8re dont elles ont \u00e9t\u00e9 mises en \u0153uvre.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Car une Constitution peut toujours \u00eatre r\u00e9vis\u00e9e. Mais aucune r\u00e9vision ne remplacera jamais les institutions, les pratiques et la culture d\u00e9mocratique sans lesquelles les r\u00e8gles les mieux con\u00e7ues demeurent lettre morte.<\/p>\n<p>C'est pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment ce que montre l'exp\u00e9rience de plusieurs pays africains. Si certains ont engag\u00e9 des r\u00e9formes constitutionnelles qui ont permis de consolider leurs institutions, d'autres ont d\u00e9couvert qu'un changement de Constitution ne suffisait pas, \u00e0 lui seul, \u00e0 r\u00e9soudre des difficult\u00e9s dont les causes se situaient ailleurs. D'autres encore ont vu des r\u00e9formes entreprises pour des raisons essentiellement politiques devenir elles-m\u00eames des facteurs d'instabilit\u00e9.<\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-e31efa2 elementor-widget elementor-widget-heading\" data-id=\"e31efa2\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"heading.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<h2 class=\"elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default\">III. De Ouagadougou \u00e0 Nairobi : ce que l'Afrique nous enseigne sur les r\u00e9formes constitutionnelles<\/h2>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-950248b elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"950248b\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p>Le d\u00e9bat qui anime aujourd'hui la RDC n'est pas une exception. De nombreux \u00c9tats africains ont \u00e9t\u00e9 confront\u00e9s \u00e0 une m\u00eame interrogation \u00e0 diff\u00e9rents moments de leur histoire, \u00e0 savoir la n\u00e9cessit\u00e9 de r\u00e9former leurs institutions pour r\u00e9pondre \u00e0 des crises politiques, des mutations sociales ou de nouvelles aspirations d\u00e9mocratiques.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Le Kenya en offre une premi\u00e8re illustration.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>La Constitution de 2010 est l'aboutissement d'un processus engag\u00e9 bien avant la crise post-\u00e9lectorale de 2007-2008. Cette crise, qui fit plus d'un millier de morts, a acc\u00e9l\u00e9r\u00e9 une r\u00e9flexion d\u00e9j\u00e0 en cours sur les faiblesses du syst\u00e8me politique. Sous la m\u00e9diation de Kofi Annan, les principaux acteurs du pays se sont accord\u00e9s sur la n\u00e9cessit\u00e9 d'identifier les causes profondes des violences \u2014 concentration du pouvoir pr\u00e9sidentiel, faiblesse des contre-pouvoirs, fractures communautaires \u2014 avant d'engager une r\u00e9forme constitutionnelle. La nouvelle Constitution est ainsi n\u00e9e apr\u00e8s plusieurs ann\u00e9es d'un diagnostic largement partag\u00e9 et de consultations publiques plut\u00f4t que d'une simple volont\u00e9 de changement.<\/p>\n<p>Pour autant, l\u2019exp\u00e9rience k\u00e9nyane d\u00e9montre qu'une nouvelle Constitution ne r\u00e9sout pas, \u00e0 elle seule, les difficult\u00e9s d'un pays. Seize ans apr\u00e8s son adoption, le Kenya continue de faire face \u00e0 des tensions politiques et \u00e0 d\u2019importants d\u00e9fis de gouvernance. Le texte a renforc\u00e9 le cadre institutionnel ; il n'a pas remplac\u00e9 le travail, beaucoup plus long, de consolidation des institutions et des pratiques d\u00e9mocratiques.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Le Ghana illustre une approche diff\u00e9rente.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Depuis l'entr\u00e9e en vigueur de la Constitution de 1992, le pays a connu plusieurs alternances politiques, des tensions \u00e9lectorales et des difficult\u00e9s \u00e9conomiques. Pourtant, plut\u00f4t que de remettre enti\u00e8rement en cause son pacte constitutionnel, le Ghana a privil\u00e9gi\u00e9 une am\u00e9lioration progressive de ses institutions. Lorsqu'une Commission de r\u00e9vision constitutionnelle est mise en place en 2010, son objectif n'est pas de repartir de z\u00e9ro, mais d'\u00e9valuer le fonctionnement de la Constitution \u00e0 partir de pr\u00e8s de vingt ann\u00e9es d'exp\u00e9rience et de consultations nationales. L'exp\u00e9rience ghan\u00e9enne montre ainsi qu'une d\u00e9mocratie peut \u00e9galement se renforcer par l'am\u00e9lioration progressive de ses pratiques, le respect des r\u00e8gles existantes et la consolidation de ses institutions.<\/p>\n<p>\u00c0 l'inverse, certaines r\u00e9formes constitutionnelles ont contribu\u00e9 \u00e0 accentuer les crises qu'elles \u00e9taient cens\u00e9es r\u00e9soudre.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Le Burkina Faso en offre une illustration marquante.<\/strong> En 2014, la tentative de modification de la Constitution afin de permettre au pr\u00e9sident Blaise Compaor\u00e9 de briguer un nouveau mandat a d\u00e9clench\u00e9 une insurrection populaire qui a conduit \u00e0 sa chute apr\u00e8s vingt-sept ann\u00e9es au pouvoir. La r\u00e9forme n'a pas r\u00e9pondu \u00e0 une crise institutionnelle clairement identifi\u00e9e ; elle a au contraire provoqu\u00e9 une crise politique majeure dont les effets se sont durablement fait sentir sur la stabilit\u00e9 du pays.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Un enseignement clair se d\u00e9gage de ces trois exp\u00e9riences : une r\u00e9forme constitutionnelle n'est ni une garantie de progr\u00e8s ni une menace en soi. Elle tire sa l\u00e9gitimit\u00e9 de la qualit\u00e9 du diagnostic qui la justifie, de l'objectif qu'elle poursuit et de la confiance que les citoyens accordent au processus qui la porte<\/strong>.<\/p>\n<p>C'est pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment cette le\u00e7on que le d\u00e9bat congolais gagnerait \u00e0 retenir.<\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-cc3053d elementor-widget elementor-widget-heading\" data-id=\"cc3053d\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"heading.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<h2 class=\"elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default\">Conclusion : Une Constitution est une r\u00e9ponse, pas un point de d\u00e9part<\/h2>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-d73ad15 elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"d73ad15\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p>Aucune constitution n'est sacr\u00e9e.  Aucune \u0153uvre humaine n'est parfaite. Aucune soci\u00e9t\u00e9 n'est fig\u00e9e dans le temps.<\/p>\n<p>L'histoire politique mondiale montre au contraire que les institutions, et le texte fondamental qui les organisent, doivent parfois s'adapter aux transformations de leur \u00e9poque, aux nouvelles r\u00e9alit\u00e9s sociales, aux mutations \u00e9conomiques ou aux d\u00e9fis \u00e9mergents auxquels ils sont confront\u00e9s.<\/p>\n<p>La v\u00e9ritable question n'est donc pas de savoir s'il faut ou non r\u00e9viser la Constitution.<\/p>\n<p>La v\u00e9ritable question est de savoir si nous avons clairement identifi\u00e9 ce que nous attendons d'elle.<\/p>\n<p>Plut\u00f4t que d'opposer les partisans de la r\u00e9vision \u00e0 ses adversaires, le d\u00e9bat gagnerait \u00e0 d\u00e9placer son centre de gravit\u00e9 : non plus partir de la r\u00e9forme, mais du probl\u00e8me qu'elle est cens\u00e9e r\u00e9soudre.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Car une r\u00e9forme constitutionnelle n'est jamais une fin en soi.  Elle est un moyen au service d'un projet collectif.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Une Nation ne modifie pas son pacte fondamental parce qu'elle aspire au changement. Elle le modifie lorsqu'elle a identifi\u00e9 avec lucidit\u00e9 les limites de ses institutions actuelles et qu'elle est convaincue que de nouvelles r\u00e8gles constituent la meilleure r\u00e9ponse.<\/p>\n<p>Mais cette r\u00e9flexion exige \u00e9galement un exercice d'honn\u00eatet\u00e9 collective. Avant de conclure \u00e0 l'insuffisance de notre Constitution, nous devons nous interroger sur la mani\u00e8re dont nous faisons vivre les institutions qu'elle a d\u00e9j\u00e0 cr\u00e9\u00e9es, sur notre capacit\u00e9 \u00e0 respecter les r\u00e8gles qu'elle fixe et sur notre volont\u00e9 de les appliquer avec constance.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Au fond, une Constitution n'est jamais un point de d\u00e9part. Elle est une r\u00e9ponse. <\/strong><strong>Et comme toute r\u00e9ponse, sa pertinence d\u00e9pend de la qualit\u00e9 de la question \u00e0 laquelle elle entend r\u00e9pondre.<\/strong><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-426a4a6 elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"426a4a6\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<p><img decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft wp-image-2264\" src=\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/03\/Me-David-MUYOMBWE-245x300.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"182\" height=\"193\" \/><\/p>\n<p>\u00a0<\/p>\n<p>\u00a0<\/p>\n<p>\u00a0<\/p>\n<p>\u00a0<\/p>\n<p>\u00a0<\/p>\n<p>Ma\u00eetre David Muyombwe, Avocat (Barreau de Kinshasa\/Matete)<\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-a1dc3e9 elementor-widget elementor-widget-spacer\" data-id=\"a1dc3e9\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"spacer.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-spacer\">\n\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-spacer-inner\"><\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-3178873 elementor-widget elementor-widget-spacer\" data-id=\"3178873\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"spacer.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-spacer\">\n\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-spacer-inner\"><\/div>\n\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-f62aba8 elementor-align-center elementor-widget elementor-widget-button\" data-id=\"f62aba8\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"button.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-button-wrapper\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<a class=\"elementor-button elementor-button-link elementor-size-sm\" href=\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/become-a-star\/\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t<span class=\"elementor-button-content-wrapper\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<span class=\"elementor-button-text\">Rejoignez-nous<\/span>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/span>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>For months, public debate in the Democratic Republic of the Congo has revolved around a single question: should the Constitution be amended? Yet one far more fundamental question has received surprisingly little attention: what problem is this reform actually intended to solve? From Ouagadougou to Nairobi, Africa&#8217;s constitutional experience offers an important lesson. Constitutional reform, in itself, guarantees neither progress nor stability. When it is not grounded in a rigorous diagnosis of the challenges a country faces and supported by an inclusive process, it can become a source of instability rather than a solution. Introduction Constitutional reform has become one of the defining issues in public debate in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. \u00a0 Positions are becoming increasingly polarized and concerns are mounting. For some, the 2006 Constitution no longer responds to the country&#8217;s contemporary challenges and should therefore be revised to improve the effectiveness of public action. For others, it remains one of the country&#8217;s main safeguards against the abuse of power, and any amendment to the constitutional framework risks weakening the democratic balance established over the past two decades. \u00a0 This debate is normal, legitimate and, indeed, healthy in any democracy. A constitution is neither immutable nor untouchable. Every democracy may, at times, need to adapt its institutions as circumstances evolve. \u00a0 But before debating reform, one question should come before all others: What problem is this reform intended to solve? \u00a0 At first glance, the question may seem self-evident. Yet it is rarely at the heart of the public conversation. The debate often begins with the proposed solution long before there is any agreement on the nature of the problem. \u00a0 However, a proper diagnosis should come before the solution. A physician does not prescribe treatment before making a diagnosis. Why should it be any different when it comes to the fundamental pact that governs the life of a Nation? \u00a0 This article does not seek to argue either for or against constitutional reform. Instead, it invites readers to shift the debate towards a more fundamental question: how can we determine whether constitutional reform is genuinely necessary? Drawing on the Congolese debate as well as the experiences of other African countries, it argues that before changing the rules of the game, a democracy must first reach a shared understanding of the problem it is trying to solve. I. The Congolese Constitutional Debate: A Solution in Search of Its Problem In the DRC, the Constitution now seems to bear the weight of every national frustration: when institutions fail to deliver the expected results, when governance falls short, when insecurity persists, or when development continues to fall below citizens&#8217; expectations. After nearly two decades of implementation, it is only natural that citizens, academics, political leaders and civil society organizations should question how certain institutions function and whether some constitutional mechanisms remain fit for purpose. These debates often lead to the same fundamental question: are the challenges facing the country rooted in its constitutional framework? This is a legitimate question. But it also calls for a rigorous methodology. Not every difficulty a State faces is necessarily constitutional in nature. It would therefore be dangerous to use the Constitution as a convenient scapegoat when the real causes of the country&#8217;s challenges lie elsewhere. This is particularly important because constitutional reform is not an ordinary undertaking. It affects the political pact that binds institutions together, organizes the exercise of public power and guarantees the fundamental rights of citizens. Before considering any constitutional reform, a rigorous diagnosis must first be undertaken. Several questions should therefore be asked: What are the specific institutional shortcomings that have been identified? Do they stem directly from the Constitution itself, or from the way it has been implemented? Have the existing constitutional mechanisms been fully implemented? Which constitutional provisions are actually concerned? How would amending those provisions help address these challenges? These questions should logically form the starting point of any discussion on constitutional reform. Yet, in the Congolese public debate, they often remain secondary to discussions focused on political actors and their presumed intentions rather than on the constitutional framework itself. The risk, then, is that an institutional debate becomes a political confrontation. A constitution is not designed to respond to the concerns of a particular political majority or a single generation of leaders. It is intended to outlast them all by providing a durable framework for the exercise of power. Any amendment to this fundamental pact therefore requires more than a response to the political circumstances of the moment. It demands a clear and rigorous demonstration of its necessity. The real question, therefore, may not yet be whether the Constitution should be revised. It is whether the challenges we face today reveal the limits of the Constitution itself or rather the limits of the way we have chosen to implement and uphold it. II. The Congolese Paradox: An Ambitious Constitution, Yet a Fragile State Like any fundamental law, the Congolese Constitution is neither perfect nor immutable. Some of its provisions can legitimately be debated, clarified or adapted in light of experience. But before examining its possible shortcomings, it is worth recalling a reality that is often overlooked in today&#8217;s public debate: in terms of its ambition, the Congolese Constitution is a remarkably comprehensive document. It enshrines the separation of powers, guarantees a broad range of fundamental rights and freedoms, provides for decentralization, establishes mechanisms of oversight and checks and balances, safeguards political pluralism, and affirms both the sovereignty of the people and the rule of law. It does more than allocate powers among institutions; it embodies a genuine vision of the State, democracy and governance. On paper, this institutional architecture is ambitious. Yet the experience of the past two decades paints a more nuanced picture. Insecurity continues to affect parts of the country. Public confidence in several institutions remains fragile. Political tensions regularly resurface during electoral periods. Citizens&#8217; expectations in terms of justice, governance and development continue to far exceed the results achieved. This<\/p>","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":2310,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_coblocks_attr":"","_coblocks_dimensions":"","_coblocks_responsive_height":"","_coblocks_accordion_ie_support":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[24],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2305","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-blog"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.2 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Constitutional reform\u00a0: What problem are we trying to solve\u00a0? - Ius Stella<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"fr_FR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Constitutional reform\u00a0: What problem are we trying to solve\u00a0? - Ius Stella\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"For months, public debate in the Democratic Republic of the Congo has revolved around a single question: should the Constitution be amended? Yet one far more fundamental question has received surprisingly little attention: what problem is this reform actually intended to solve? From Ouagadougou to Nairobi, Africa&#8217;s constitutional experience offers an important lesson. Constitutional reform, in itself, guarantees neither progress nor stability. When it is not grounded in a rigorous diagnosis of the challenges a country faces and supported by an inclusive process, it can become a source of instability rather than a solution. Introduction Constitutional reform has become one of the defining issues in public debate in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. \u00a0 Positions are becoming increasingly polarized and concerns are mounting. For some, the 2006 Constitution no longer responds to the country&#8217;s contemporary challenges and should therefore be revised to improve the effectiveness of public action. For others, it remains one of the country&#8217;s main safeguards against the abuse of power, and any amendment to the constitutional framework risks weakening the democratic balance established over the past two decades. \u00a0 This debate is normal, legitimate and, indeed, healthy in any democracy. A constitution is neither immutable nor untouchable. Every democracy may, at times, need to adapt its institutions as circumstances evolve. \u00a0 But before debating reform, one question should come before all others: What problem is this reform intended to solve? \u00a0 At first glance, the question may seem self-evident. Yet it is rarely at the heart of the public conversation. The debate often begins with the proposed solution long before there is any agreement on the nature of the problem. \u00a0 However, a proper diagnosis should come before the solution. A physician does not prescribe treatment before making a diagnosis. Why should it be any different when it comes to the fundamental pact that governs the life of a Nation? \u00a0 This article does not seek to argue either for or against constitutional reform. Instead, it invites readers to shift the debate towards a more fundamental question: how can we determine whether constitutional reform is genuinely necessary? Drawing on the Congolese debate as well as the experiences of other African countries, it argues that before changing the rules of the game, a democracy must first reach a shared understanding of the problem it is trying to solve. I. The Congolese Constitutional Debate: A Solution in Search of Its Problem In the DRC, the Constitution now seems to bear the weight of every national frustration: when institutions fail to deliver the expected results, when governance falls short, when insecurity persists, or when development continues to fall below citizens&#8217; expectations. After nearly two decades of implementation, it is only natural that citizens, academics, political leaders and civil society organizations should question how certain institutions function and whether some constitutional mechanisms remain fit for purpose. These debates often lead to the same fundamental question: are the challenges facing the country rooted in its constitutional framework? This is a legitimate question. But it also calls for a rigorous methodology. Not every difficulty a State faces is necessarily constitutional in nature. It would therefore be dangerous to use the Constitution as a convenient scapegoat when the real causes of the country&#8217;s challenges lie elsewhere. This is particularly important because constitutional reform is not an ordinary undertaking. It affects the political pact that binds institutions together, organizes the exercise of public power and guarantees the fundamental rights of citizens. Before considering any constitutional reform, a rigorous diagnosis must first be undertaken. Several questions should therefore be asked: What are the specific institutional shortcomings that have been identified? Do they stem directly from the Constitution itself, or from the way it has been implemented? Have the existing constitutional mechanisms been fully implemented? Which constitutional provisions are actually concerned? How would amending those provisions help address these challenges? These questions should logically form the starting point of any discussion on constitutional reform. Yet, in the Congolese public debate, they often remain secondary to discussions focused on political actors and their presumed intentions rather than on the constitutional framework itself. The risk, then, is that an institutional debate becomes a political confrontation. A constitution is not designed to respond to the concerns of a particular political majority or a single generation of leaders. It is intended to outlast them all by providing a durable framework for the exercise of power. Any amendment to this fundamental pact therefore requires more than a response to the political circumstances of the moment. It demands a clear and rigorous demonstration of its necessity. The real question, therefore, may not yet be whether the Constitution should be revised. It is whether the challenges we face today reveal the limits of the Constitution itself or rather the limits of the way we have chosen to implement and uphold it. II. The Congolese Paradox: An Ambitious Constitution, Yet a Fragile State Like any fundamental law, the Congolese Constitution is neither perfect nor immutable. Some of its provisions can legitimately be debated, clarified or adapted in light of experience. But before examining its possible shortcomings, it is worth recalling a reality that is often overlooked in today&#8217;s public debate: in terms of its ambition, the Congolese Constitution is a remarkably comprehensive document. It enshrines the separation of powers, guarantees a broad range of fundamental rights and freedoms, provides for decentralization, establishes mechanisms of oversight and checks and balances, safeguards political pluralism, and affirms both the sovereignty of the people and the rule of law. It does more than allocate powers among institutions; it embodies a genuine vision of the State, democracy and governance. On paper, this institutional architecture is ambitious. Yet the experience of the past two decades paints a more nuanced picture. Insecurity continues to affect parts of the country. Public confidence in several institutions remains fragile. Political tensions regularly resurface during electoral periods. Citizens&#8217; expectations in terms of justice, governance and development continue to far exceed the results achieved. This\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Ius Stella\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:publisher\" content=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/IusStella\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2026-07-09T15:17:05+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2026-07-09T15:17:08+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/07\/Blog-Banners-1800x810-1.png\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"416\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"312\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/png\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"Jessica\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"\u00c9crit par\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"Jessica\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Dur\u00e9e de lecture estim\u00e9e\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"11 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\/\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"Jessica\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/#\/schema\/person\/4f7eb1a015a8a1c06f773739fd2320eb\"},\"headline\":\"Constitutional reform\u00a0: What problem are we trying to solve\u00a0?\",\"datePublished\":\"2026-07-09T15:17:05+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2026-07-09T15:17:08+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/\"},\"wordCount\":2314,\"commentCount\":0,\"publisher\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/#organization\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/07\/Blog-Banners-1800x810-1.png\",\"articleSection\":[\"Blog\"],\"inLanguage\":\"fr-FR\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"CommentAction\",\"name\":\"Comment\",\"target\":[\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/#respond\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/\",\"name\":\"Constitutional reform\u00a0: What problem are we trying to solve\u00a0? - Ius Stella\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/#website\"},\"primaryImageOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/#primaryimage\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/07\/Blog-Banners-1800x810-1.png\",\"datePublished\":\"2026-07-09T15:17:05+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2026-07-09T15:17:08+00:00\",\"breadcrumb\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/#breadcrumb\"},\"inLanguage\":\"fr-FR\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"ReadAction\",\"target\":[\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"fr-FR\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/#primaryimage\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/07\/Blog-Banners-1800x810-1.png\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/07\/Blog-Banners-1800x810-1.png\",\"width\":416,\"height\":312,\"caption\":\"Blog Banner - changement constitution\"},{\"@type\":\"BreadcrumbList\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/#breadcrumb\",\"itemListElement\":[{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":1,\"name\":\"Accueil\",\"item\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":2,\"name\":\"Constitutional reform\u00a0: What problem are we trying to solve\u00a0?\"}]},{\"@type\":\"WebSite\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/#website\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/\",\"name\":\"Ius Stella\",\"description\":\"\",\"publisher\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/#organization\"},\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"SearchAction\",\"target\":{\"@type\":\"EntryPoint\",\"urlTemplate\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/?s={search_term_string}\"},\"query-input\":{\"@type\":\"PropertyValueSpecification\",\"valueRequired\":true,\"valueName\":\"search_term_string\"}}],\"inLanguage\":\"fr-FR\"},{\"@type\":\"Organization\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/#organization\",\"name\":\"Ius Stella\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/\",\"logo\":{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"fr-FR\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/Logo-IUS-STELLA-2023-SANSSLOGAN-01-scaled-e1774001870406.png\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/Logo-IUS-STELLA-2023-SANSSLOGAN-01-scaled-e1774001870406.png\",\"width\":280,\"height\":106,\"caption\":\"Ius Stella\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/\"},\"sameAs\":[\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/IusStella\",\"https:\/\/www.instagram.com\/ius_stella\/\",\"https:\/\/www.linkedin.com\/company\/ius-stella\/\",\"https:\/\/www.tiktok.com\/@ius.stella\"]},{\"@type\":\"Person\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/#\/schema\/person\/4f7eb1a015a8a1c06f773739fd2320eb\",\"name\":\"Jessica\",\"image\":{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"fr-FR\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/55cc5a5c04a36f4607e648522c16262616db020884e42057e270e927e9fb25f6?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/55cc5a5c04a36f4607e648522c16262616db020884e42057e270e927e9fb25f6?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/55cc5a5c04a36f4607e648522c16262616db020884e42057e270e927e9fb25f6?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"caption\":\"Jessica\"},\"sameAs\":[\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\"],\"url\":\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/author\/wpusername7119\/\"}]}<\/script>\n<!-- \/ Yoast SEO plugin. -->","yoast_head_json":{"title":"Constitutional reform\u00a0: What problem are we trying to solve\u00a0? - Ius Stella","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/","og_locale":"fr_FR","og_type":"article","og_title":"Constitutional reform\u00a0: What problem are we trying to solve\u00a0? - Ius Stella","og_description":"For months, public debate in the Democratic Republic of the Congo has revolved around a single question: should the Constitution be amended? Yet one far more fundamental question has received surprisingly little attention: what problem is this reform actually intended to solve? From Ouagadougou to Nairobi, Africa&#8217;s constitutional experience offers an important lesson. Constitutional reform, in itself, guarantees neither progress nor stability. When it is not grounded in a rigorous diagnosis of the challenges a country faces and supported by an inclusive process, it can become a source of instability rather than a solution. Introduction Constitutional reform has become one of the defining issues in public debate in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. \u00a0 Positions are becoming increasingly polarized and concerns are mounting. For some, the 2006 Constitution no longer responds to the country&#8217;s contemporary challenges and should therefore be revised to improve the effectiveness of public action. For others, it remains one of the country&#8217;s main safeguards against the abuse of power, and any amendment to the constitutional framework risks weakening the democratic balance established over the past two decades. \u00a0 This debate is normal, legitimate and, indeed, healthy in any democracy. A constitution is neither immutable nor untouchable. Every democracy may, at times, need to adapt its institutions as circumstances evolve. \u00a0 But before debating reform, one question should come before all others: What problem is this reform intended to solve? \u00a0 At first glance, the question may seem self-evident. Yet it is rarely at the heart of the public conversation. The debate often begins with the proposed solution long before there is any agreement on the nature of the problem. \u00a0 However, a proper diagnosis should come before the solution. A physician does not prescribe treatment before making a diagnosis. Why should it be any different when it comes to the fundamental pact that governs the life of a Nation? \u00a0 This article does not seek to argue either for or against constitutional reform. Instead, it invites readers to shift the debate towards a more fundamental question: how can we determine whether constitutional reform is genuinely necessary? Drawing on the Congolese debate as well as the experiences of other African countries, it argues that before changing the rules of the game, a democracy must first reach a shared understanding of the problem it is trying to solve. I. The Congolese Constitutional Debate: A Solution in Search of Its Problem In the DRC, the Constitution now seems to bear the weight of every national frustration: when institutions fail to deliver the expected results, when governance falls short, when insecurity persists, or when development continues to fall below citizens&#8217; expectations. After nearly two decades of implementation, it is only natural that citizens, academics, political leaders and civil society organizations should question how certain institutions function and whether some constitutional mechanisms remain fit for purpose. These debates often lead to the same fundamental question: are the challenges facing the country rooted in its constitutional framework? This is a legitimate question. But it also calls for a rigorous methodology. Not every difficulty a State faces is necessarily constitutional in nature. It would therefore be dangerous to use the Constitution as a convenient scapegoat when the real causes of the country&#8217;s challenges lie elsewhere. This is particularly important because constitutional reform is not an ordinary undertaking. It affects the political pact that binds institutions together, organizes the exercise of public power and guarantees the fundamental rights of citizens. Before considering any constitutional reform, a rigorous diagnosis must first be undertaken. Several questions should therefore be asked: What are the specific institutional shortcomings that have been identified? Do they stem directly from the Constitution itself, or from the way it has been implemented? Have the existing constitutional mechanisms been fully implemented? Which constitutional provisions are actually concerned? How would amending those provisions help address these challenges? These questions should logically form the starting point of any discussion on constitutional reform. Yet, in the Congolese public debate, they often remain secondary to discussions focused on political actors and their presumed intentions rather than on the constitutional framework itself. The risk, then, is that an institutional debate becomes a political confrontation. A constitution is not designed to respond to the concerns of a particular political majority or a single generation of leaders. It is intended to outlast them all by providing a durable framework for the exercise of power. Any amendment to this fundamental pact therefore requires more than a response to the political circumstances of the moment. It demands a clear and rigorous demonstration of its necessity. The real question, therefore, may not yet be whether the Constitution should be revised. It is whether the challenges we face today reveal the limits of the Constitution itself or rather the limits of the way we have chosen to implement and uphold it. II. The Congolese Paradox: An Ambitious Constitution, Yet a Fragile State Like any fundamental law, the Congolese Constitution is neither perfect nor immutable. Some of its provisions can legitimately be debated, clarified or adapted in light of experience. But before examining its possible shortcomings, it is worth recalling a reality that is often overlooked in today&#8217;s public debate: in terms of its ambition, the Congolese Constitution is a remarkably comprehensive document. It enshrines the separation of powers, guarantees a broad range of fundamental rights and freedoms, provides for decentralization, establishes mechanisms of oversight and checks and balances, safeguards political pluralism, and affirms both the sovereignty of the people and the rule of law. It does more than allocate powers among institutions; it embodies a genuine vision of the State, democracy and governance. On paper, this institutional architecture is ambitious. Yet the experience of the past two decades paints a more nuanced picture. Insecurity continues to affect parts of the country. Public confidence in several institutions remains fragile. Political tensions regularly resurface during electoral periods. Citizens&#8217; expectations in terms of justice, governance and development continue to far exceed the results achieved. This","og_url":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/","og_site_name":"Ius Stella","article_publisher":"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/IusStella","article_published_time":"2026-07-09T15:17:05+00:00","article_modified_time":"2026-07-09T15:17:08+00:00","og_image":[{"width":416,"height":312,"url":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/07\/Blog-Banners-1800x810-1.png","type":"image\/png"}],"author":"Jessica","twitter_card":"summary_large_image","twitter_misc":{"\u00c9crit par":"Jessica","Dur\u00e9e de lecture estim\u00e9e":"11 minutes"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"Article","@id":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/#article","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/"},"author":{"name":"Jessica","@id":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/#\/schema\/person\/4f7eb1a015a8a1c06f773739fd2320eb"},"headline":"Constitutional reform\u00a0: What problem are we trying to solve\u00a0?","datePublished":"2026-07-09T15:17:05+00:00","dateModified":"2026-07-09T15:17:08+00:00","mainEntityOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/"},"wordCount":2314,"commentCount":0,"publisher":{"@id":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/#organization"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/07\/Blog-Banners-1800x810-1.png","articleSection":["Blog"],"inLanguage":"fr-FR","potentialAction":[{"@type":"CommentAction","name":"Comment","target":["https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/#respond"]}]},{"@type":"WebPage","@id":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/","url":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/","name":"Constitutional reform\u00a0: What problem are we trying to solve\u00a0? - Ius Stella","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/#website"},"primaryImageOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/#primaryimage"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/07\/Blog-Banners-1800x810-1.png","datePublished":"2026-07-09T15:17:05+00:00","dateModified":"2026-07-09T15:17:08+00:00","breadcrumb":{"@id":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/#breadcrumb"},"inLanguage":"fr-FR","potentialAction":[{"@type":"ReadAction","target":["https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/"]}]},{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"fr-FR","@id":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/#primaryimage","url":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/07\/Blog-Banners-1800x810-1.png","contentUrl":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/07\/Blog-Banners-1800x810-1.png","width":416,"height":312,"caption":"Blog Banner - changement constitution"},{"@type":"BreadcrumbList","@id":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/constitutional-reform-what-problem-are-we-trying-to-solve\/#breadcrumb","itemListElement":[{"@type":"ListItem","position":1,"name":"Accueil","item":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/"},{"@type":"ListItem","position":2,"name":"Constitutional reform\u00a0: What problem are we trying to solve\u00a0?"}]},{"@type":"WebSite","@id":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/#website","url":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/","name":"Ius Stella","description":"","publisher":{"@id":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/#organization"},"potentialAction":[{"@type":"SearchAction","target":{"@type":"EntryPoint","urlTemplate":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/?s={search_term_string}"},"query-input":{"@type":"PropertyValueSpecification","valueRequired":true,"valueName":"search_term_string"}}],"inLanguage":"fr-FR"},{"@type":"Organization","@id":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/#organization","name":"Ius Stella","url":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/","logo":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"fr-FR","@id":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/","url":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/Logo-IUS-STELLA-2023-SANSSLOGAN-01-scaled-e1774001870406.png","contentUrl":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/03\/Logo-IUS-STELLA-2023-SANSSLOGAN-01-scaled-e1774001870406.png","width":280,"height":106,"caption":"Ius Stella"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/"},"sameAs":["https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/IusStella","https:\/\/www.instagram.com\/ius_stella\/","https:\/\/www.linkedin.com\/company\/ius-stella\/","https:\/\/www.tiktok.com\/@ius.stella"]},{"@type":"Person","@id":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/#\/schema\/person\/4f7eb1a015a8a1c06f773739fd2320eb","name":"Jessica","image":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"fr-FR","@id":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/55cc5a5c04a36f4607e648522c16262616db020884e42057e270e927e9fb25f6?s=96&d=mm&r=g","url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/55cc5a5c04a36f4607e648522c16262616db020884e42057e270e927e9fb25f6?s=96&d=mm&r=g","contentUrl":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/55cc5a5c04a36f4607e648522c16262616db020884e42057e270e927e9fb25f6?s=96&d=mm&r=g","caption":"Jessica"},"sameAs":["https:\/\/ius-stella.org"],"url":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/author\/wpusername7119\/"}]}},"rttpg_featured_image_url":{"full":["https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/07\/Blog-Banners-1800x810-1.png",416,312,false],"landscape":["https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/07\/Blog-Banners-1800x810-1.png",416,312,false],"portraits":["https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/07\/Blog-Banners-1800x810-1.png",416,312,false],"thumbnail":["https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/07\/Blog-Banners-1800x810-1-150x150.png",150,150,true],"medium":["https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/07\/Blog-Banners-1800x810-1-300x225.png",300,225,true],"large":["https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/07\/Blog-Banners-1800x810-1.png",416,312,false],"1536x1536":["https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/07\/Blog-Banners-1800x810-1.png",416,312,false],"2048x2048":["https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/07\/Blog-Banners-1800x810-1.png",416,312,false],"trp-custom-language-flag":["https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/07\/Blog-Banners-1800x810-1-16x12.png",16,12,true]},"rttpg_author":{"display_name":"Jessica","author_link":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/author\/wpusername7119\/"},"rttpg_comment":0,"rttpg_category":"<a href=\"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/category\/blog\/\" rel=\"category tag\">Blog<\/a>","rttpg_excerpt":"For months, public debate in the Democratic Republic of the Congo has revolved around a single question: should the Constitution be amended? Yet one far more fundamental question has received surprisingly little attention: what problem is this reform actually intended to solve? From Ouagadougou to Nairobi, Africa&#8217;s constitutional experience offers an important lesson. Constitutional reform,\u2026","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2305","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2305"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2305\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2309,"href":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2305\/revisions\/2309"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/2310"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2305"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2305"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ius-stella.org\/fr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2305"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}